Flash Gordon Left Me The Keys

The TEST OF ALL MOTHERS

Friday, March 21, 2003

 
It has now become obvious that the administration of President George W. Bush is rapidly reconsidering US policy regarding weapons in space, which for nearly 40 years has focused on researching potential technologies while exercising restraint with regard to deployment. Not only is overarching space policy undergoing a National Security Council review, but there is also increasing focus on use of space-based platforms for national missile defence as well as stepped-up military efforts on concepts for anti-satellite (ASAT) operations.

What is missing so far, however, is a strong strategic rationale for breaking the long-standing international taboo against weaponising space. Indeed, US policymakers have yet to fully debate whether doing so is worth the long-term economic, political and military costs. Unfortunately, that debate may never be held. Instead, administration and military officials now seem to be working from the premise that space will become the new "high ground" of future battlefields.

No Decisions, Plenty of Plans
"I believe that weapons will go into space. It's a question of time. And we need to be at the forefront of that," Pete Teets, Undersecretary of the Air Force and Director of the National Reconnaissance Office, told a March 6 conference in Washington.1 While Teets, who is now the Pentagon's lead official for procurement of space programmes, was careful to say that no policy decision to put weapons in space has yet been made, his views reflect a consensus among top Air Force leaders - and indeed, among military officials across the board. The prevailing wisdom in all branches of the services is that "conflict in space is inevitable."2

This view underlies the policy statements on space so far emerging from the Bush administration. For example, the 2001 Quadrennial Defense Review (QDR), released on October 1, 2001, cites the need to improve space systems as one of six critical goals of military transformation - thus placing top priority on the issue within the Pentagon. The Review states: "A key objective...is not only to ensure US ability to exploit space for military purposes, but also as required to deny an adversary's ability to do so."

The Bush administration's interest in space stems in part from a deep-seated concern about the increasing dependence of the US military on space-based assets for conducting global operations, and the potential vulnerabilities of those assets. Neither of those facts can be disputed. Without high-speed satellite communications, global positioning and navigation for precision-guided munitions, and high-resolution imagery (among other capabilities), the US military's capability to respond quickly to far-flung crises would be seriously diminished.

At the same time, all space-based assets have inherent vulnerabilities stemming from their technological and operational parameters. As other countries continue to benefit from the high-tech revolution of the past several decades, those vulnerabilities could increasingly be exploited by US enemies.

According to a senior Air Force official, there are eight or 10 countries seriously involved in using space assets for military purposes. These include Russia, China, France, the United Kingdom, India, Japan, Israel and Brazil. Pentagon officials also assert that a number of these countries are pursuing new types of space technology, such as microsatellites, that could be used as space-based weapons.

In addition, new commercial technology that could be put to military use, especially high-resolution commercial imagery and satellite navigation/positioning equipment, is becoming widely available in the open marketplace. This has become a key concern for the Bush administration, and - along with continuing problems with US space transportation capabilities - is one of the central issues being studied under the Space Policy Review, the first since 1996, launched earlier this year by National Security Adviser Condoleezza Rice.

Army leaders, in particular, worry about the possibility that allowing hostile forces free access to space-based assets could blunt or erase the edge US forces now enjoy through exploiting satellite imagery, communications and precision targeting. Army officials repeatedly claim that the famous 'left hook' manoeuvre of Operation Desert Storm could not have succeeded if Iraqi leader Saddam Hussein had possessed the commercial imagery available today.3 "The idea of being able to control what people are seeing is going to be an issue for the Army," Lt. Gen. Joseph M. Cosumano Jr., Commander of the Army Space and Missile Defense Command, told reporters on July 15, 2001, at a conference sponsored by the US Army Space and Missile Defense Command, Huntsville, Alabama.4

US military officials insist that the current focus is on protection of space-based assets and the US military edge, rather than on the development of space-based weapons. They also happily repeat the refrain that there have been no decisions to put weapons in space. While this may be true, it is nonetheless clear that administration and Pentagon interest in what could be deemed "active defences" is growing, at the expense of passive measures (such as improving resistance to jamming, and providing redundancy at both the systems and component level). So-called "space control" - defined by the US military as the ability to "assure freedom of action in space and deny same" - has become a critical military mission, one central to the role of US Space Command.5

The central, but not only, goal of space control is to defend US space assets, including defences in orbit. Space control by definition involves:

Surveillance, including the ability to detect and track space objects;

Protection, concentrating on passive measures to enhance survivability of US space assets, such as electronic hardening;

Prevention, prohibiting enemies from "exploiting US or allied space services" through measures such as encryption or shutter control (shutting down access to imagery satellites); and,

Negation, preventing enemies from using their own space forces, including through offensive means.6

Thus, the mission of space control overtly includes offensive operations, including the use of ASATs. In fact, there are a number of concepts for such weapons discussed in military and independent literature, using both ground- and space-based systems, such as: 'bodyguard satellites' that would shadow US satellites and defend them if necessary; kinetic energy ASATs that could be launched in wartime; and so-called 'space mines', stealthy ASATs that would linger in space near enemy satellites for later activation in the event of hostilities.7 And although there has yet to be a clear public policy decision on space weaponisation, administration and military officials are increasingly open in promoting space-based platforms not only for ASAT operations, but also for missile defence and even for striking land, sea and air targets.

Even before the QDR, a report to the Office of Secretary of Defense from an independent panel called for robust efforts to assure "space dominance" as a key transformational capability. The report, called Transformation Study Report and dated April 27, 2001, states: "Space capabilities are inherently global, unaffected by territorial boundaries or jurisdictional limitations; they provide direct access to all regions and, with our advanced technologies, give us a highly asymmetrical advantage over any potential adversary."8 The study recommended, among other things, the development of microsatellites for both offensive and defensive missions.

Plenty of Plans, No Debate
Given that missile defence is a top priority for the Bush administration, it may well be that interest in space-based missile defence platforms becomes the key driver for a new US space policy rather than the other way around. The Pentagon is already exploring space-based lasers and kinetic kill (so-called 'hit-to-kill') vehicles for intercepting enemy missiles in their 'boost-phase', just after launch. While a space-based laser is no doubt decades away due to the early stages of technological development, a kinetic kill system might become available much more rapidly. Indeed, the newly named Missile Defense Agency (formerly the Ballistic Missile Defense Organization) has proposed spending $1.33 billion from 2003 to 2007 on developing "Space-Based Boost", in essence reviving the concept of Brilliant Pebbles originated under President George H.W. Bush: a constellation of orbiting, kinetic kill vehicles designed to knock out enemy ICBMs in their boost phase. "Concept assessment" is due to be completed in early 2003, according to Pentagon fiscal year (FY) 2003 budget documents, with an aim to "support a product line decision not earlier than FY 2006."9 The development programme is being designed to include at least limited experiments in space.

Despite this plan, there has been little public discussion or congressional debate about the fact that such a missile defence system would be a de facto end to the US policy of self-restraint regarding space-based weapons. In contrast, the linkage between missile defence and space weaponisation has garnered increasingly agitated international attention. During discussions at the Conference on Disarmament (CD) in Geneva about launching negotiations on the prevention of an arms race in outer space, China and Russia in particular have cited US missile defence plans as the rationale for moving rapidly toward a treaty banning outer-space weapons.10

It is also clear that, despite the ongoing US policy review, little thought has yet gone into the complex national and global security affects of any US move to begin weaponising space. There has been no overarching US government study of the military, political and economic benefits versus costs of deploying space weapons for any purpose. Despite this lack of foresight, arms control options, which might be useful in ensuring that vulnerabilities in US assets do not transform into threats, seem to have been written off entirely by the Bush administration - despite the interest of nearly every other member state of the United Nations in pursuing talks on new measures to protect space for peaceful uses.

The general failure of the current administration to consider space weaponisation from a broad policy perspective, and the deliberate shunning of arms control options, are both serious mistakes. There are a multitude of reasons to believe that the advent of weapons in space might actually undermine not only US national security, but also global stability. Conversely, there is strong reason to believe that international arms control agreements could not only enhance international security but also protect the edge the United States now enjoys in space.

In the absence of arms control, the serious prospect looms of an arms race in space involving the current and emerging space powers. A strategic-level space arms race could have negative consequences for the United States in the long run far outweighing any immediate military advantages. Regardless of the exorbitant monetary cost involved in keeping ahead of opponents - a serious consideration, surely, in an era where the long battle against terrorism is going to continue to strain the national purse - the US's current military edge in space is certain to be diminished by the competition it will, in effect, have brought upon itself. Up to now, no country has seen it necessary to challenge the US lead in space, either commercially or militarily. Barring superhuman levels of political restraint, a US move to deploy space-based weapons would drastically alter that strategic assessment in some quarters - most worryingly, from a US national security perspective, in Beijing.

There are many other risks to consider, even before an arms race begins. The potential exists, for example, for space weapons testing (let alone warfare) to damage or destroy international scientific space research and commercial space assets due to debris; while the very prospect of such damage, combined with concern over the longer-term transformation of space into a battlefield, may harm confidence in the commercial space and telecommunications industry, slowing the very revolution that has made current US economic and military dominance possible.

Conclusion
An arms race in space would threaten international stability. Space weapons have inherent first-strike capabilities and, much like nuclear weapons, a dangerous "use or lose" nature, making them destabilising factors in any military competition. Consider, for example, the high probability that bitter, nuclear-armed enemies India and Pakistan would enter any space arms race. If constructed in the next few years, an international arms control regime would still have a real chance of preventing the outbreak of an arms race in space, by any country. In addition, by limiting other nations' pursuit of space weapons and/or counterspace weapons, the United States might be able to maintain its current military edge for a longer period of time.

The strategic paradox is evident and striking. Currently, the United States is the only nation with the technical and financial capability to seriously begin introducing weapons into space - and will be for some time. As a European industry official recently quipped, "If there is a space race, it will be the United States racing itself." Given the economic, political and strategic costs of putting weapons in space, it would be inexcusable for the Bush administration to start that race prior to a much fuller national - and international - policy debate about the wisdom of doing so.


 
WASHINGTON
President Bush wisely warns of the danger posed by a nuclear-armed Iraq, but he remains unevenly engaged in other efforts that would stem the spread of nuclear weapons. Saddam Hussein's nuclear potential has been repeatedly cited by the administration as the one unassailable reason why the American people should support an invasion of Iraq. Yet ours is a dangerous stance: If we remove the threat of Saddam Hussein while leaving the rest of our nonproliferation policy unchanged, we will achieve only a marginal improvement in our security against nuclear terror. To make an invasion of Iraq worthwhile, a new investment in nuclear security is urgently needed.

Leading experts and many in the intelligence community agree that Saddam Hussein still needs several years to produce enough highly enriched uranium for a nuclear bomb. Thus, when Vice President Dick Cheney warned that Iraq could quickly obtain nuclear weapons, he could only have been referring to one thing: Iraq might acquire the crucial fissile material it needs abroad, through theft or on the black market.

How much security can we buy by merely removing one customer for this supply? Certainly, Saddam Hussein's nuclear potential is greater than that posed by terrorists working without state support. Intelligence reports suggest that Iraq has the implosion technology needed to make a bomb from 20 kilograms of highly enriched uranium. Al Qaeda, for example, probably does not have such technology and would need three times as much for the simple Hiroshima-type weapon it could master. Other sources indicate Iraq could make a bomb from plutonium; terrorist groups like Al Qaeda most likely could not. For these reasons, Iraq poses a special threat.

That said, our current effort, focused narrowly on Iraq, is woefully inadequate for reducing the nuclear threat. The same uranium Iraq seeks abroad might be bought by terrorists and fashioned into bombs. A terrorist group like Al Qaeda, if it were to obtain a nuclear weapon, would be more likely than Iraq to use it.

And yet our responsibilities in securing nuclear materials are being ignored. A month ago, Ted Turner and the Nuclear Threat Initiative had to pitch in $5 million to evacuate two bomb's worth of poorly secured uranium from Belgrade. House Republicans are pushing for a provision in next year's defense bill that would block the president from spending nonproliferation money outside the former Soviet Union.

Over a year ago, a bipartisan commission chaired by Howard H. Baker Jr. and Lloyd N. Cutler urged that we spend $30 billion over the next 10 years to secure nuclear materials in Russia; at our current spending rate of $1.1 billion per year, we will fall miserably short.

Despite inadequate funding, our programs have been very successful. We have secured the uranium that might have made thousands of bombs and we have kept numerous Russian nuclear scientists from going to work for rogue regimes.

A new investment in nonproliferation would help convince a skeptical world that we're serious about nuclear proliferation — that our obsession with Iraq is about weapons of mass destruction, not domestic politics or oil or revenge. An extra billion dollars spent on nonproliferation would be a tiny fraction of the cost of war in Iraq. If nuclear terrorism visits America, will it be any consolation that the bomb was not Saddam Hussein's?



 
HEADLINES

US Marine CH46 helicopter comes down over Kuwait Thursday. All 4 Americans and 8 Britons aboard are lost.

Combined US-British forces capture Faw Peninsula on Persian Gulf and the big H-3 air base complex in Western Iraq from which some Scuds fired against Tel Aviv in 1991

Earlier, combined US Marines and British armored units captured key port-town of Umm Qasr near Basra, chalking up first real gain

IST 20:45 US cruise missiles slam into Baghdad, start fires Thursday night. Heavy anti-aircraft fire lights the skies as city rocked by explosions. Wave of 10 F-15 and F-16 warplanes took off from US military base in Qatar. 1st Marine Expeditionary unit crosses into Iraq from Kuwait.

IST 17:50 Two oil fields south and west of Basra have been torched by Iraq troops. US Marines ordered to advance from Kuwait into southern Iraq at speed to extinguish the blaze. Battles rage as Marines lay down artillery barrage to clear their path while coming under heavy fire themselves

Israel raises missile alert after five Iraqi missiles were fired into Kuwait Thursday. Israeli air defenses and air force on highest alert level.

DEBKAfile’s military sources: Iraq may shoot missiles against Israel, Jordan, Kuwait and Saudi Arabia Thursday night after big US-UK air offensive begins

Five Iraqi Frog and Scud missiles fired into Kuwait Thursday – one or two of them shot down by US Patriot anti-missile batteries. None apparently delivered unconventional warheads. Alarm sirens in Kuwait City Thursday sent people hurrying into shelters twice.

Earlier, Allied troops in north Kuwait ordered to don bio-chemical protective gear amid artillery exchange with Iraqi forces

Saddam Hussein, in apparently taped TV address, declared early Thursday: “We will defeat the Americans who were driven by criminal Zionism to this invasion. He ended brief address with: Long live Iraq, Long live Jihad, Long live Filastin!”

State Department issues worldwide terror alert for US citizens. Fox News TV reports 1000 US troops mount ground and airborne Operation Valiant against al Qaeda south of Kandahar in Afghanistan

DEBKAfile from Kuwait: Surrender of two Iraqi divisions in Basra area of southeastern Iraq is in negotiation with US military officers and expected in coming hours. They are the forces charged with defending the oil fields of region and represent two-thirds of the Iraqi army in the south.

IST 06:10 Pentagon sources: “Targets of opportunity” in first stage of attack were reportedly five members of Saddam regime at highest levels – possibly Saddam, his sons or top generals. Strike enabled by intercept or very recent intelligence from someone very close to president. This opportunity brought operation forward by some hours.

President Bush announces American and coalition forces are in early stages of military operation against selected targets to undermine Saddam Hussein’s ability to wage war. Action to disarm Iraq has begun.

From Oval Office, he says: Only way to limit campaign is by concerted force. There will be no half-measures and nothing but victory accepted.



 
The timing of possible military action by the United States against North Korea is highly uncertain. The most obvious forcing function would be a decision by North Korea to begin reprocessing spent fuel to extract more plutonium to fabricate additional nuclear weapons. If the North began reproccessing in January 2003, the United States would be faced with the possibility of military action against North Korean nuclear facilities prior to mid-year.

The UN nuclear watchdog agency warns there is enough spent fuel at Yongbyon to make at least three nuclear bombs within months.

The North's defense minister, Kim Il Chol, said that "U.S. hawks" were "pushing the situation on the Korean Peninsula to the brink of a nuclear war."


 
INTRO: Officials in Brussels say telephone tapping systems have been found on the phone lines of several countries at the European Union headquarters. The discovery was made before an E-U summit scheduled for Thursday. Douglas Bakshian is monitoring the situation from Luxembourg.


TEXT: E-U spokesman Dominique-George Marro says the devices were found at the E-U Council building. The spokesman says devices were discovered on the telephone lines during a regular security check a few days ago, but only a small number of lines are affected. The E-U says the phones of the French and German delegations were tapped, and the British delegation says it was also tapped.


Other reports said the bugging system was apparently put in place through a switchboard to monitor telephone lines to rooms used by delegations inside the building. The E-U spokesman said an investigation has been launched and there is no immediate indication who is behind the bugging.


Leaders of the 15 E-U nations are to hold a summit in the same building Thursday and Friday.

 
Have been here awaiting most of the morning and no relieve... eod
 
Are we totally here today? I pinch my self and feel no pain. The last battle I had was with Dave and HAL2000... The two have taken off and have return to have me run off. Kelly and Milo are still creating a new picnic table and will gladly run the company for the next decades to come. eod

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