Flash Gordon Left Me The Keys

Thursday, July 31, 2008

NATO in Afghanistan:

A Special Address

by

the Supreme Allied Commander, Europe

Good morning and thank you

for the invitation to speak with you today.

I know The Heritage Foundation

spends a lot of time and effort

studying and influencing the direction

of the United States military--

resources, operations, leadership.

In fact, our moderator,

Mackenzie Eaglen,

recently published reports

somewhat critical of both

the Air Force and the Navy.

Well done, Mackenzie.

Good to see that you haven't forgotten

the Army education you received at Mercer!

Which reminds me of a story...

The Army, the Navy, and the Air Force

decided to have a boat race on the Potomac River.

All three teams worked hard to reach their peak

performance before the race.

On the big day, the Navy beat

the Air Force by a mile.

Resolved to identify its shortcomings,

the Air Force created a "Metrics Team"

and hired a consultant to investigate.

They discovered that the Navy had eight seamen

rowing and one officer coxing,

while the Air Force had one airman rowing

and eight officers coxing.

To prevent a repeat loss to the Navy

again the next year, the Air Force made

historic and sweeping changes,

realigning the crew's organizational

structure to four coxswain,

three area coxswain superintendents,

one assistant superintendent for coxing,

and one rower.

They also implemented a new performance

system that would give the one rower

greater incentive to work harder.

It was called the

"Air Force Crew Team Quality Program,"

complete with meetings, dinners,

and a three-day pass for the rower.

"We must give the rower

empowerment and enrichment

through this quality program."

The next year the Navy won by two miles.

Humiliated, Air Force leadership

gave a letter of reprimand

to the rower for poor performance,

initiated a $4 billion program

for development of a new joint-service scull,

blamed the loss on a design defect in the oars,

and issued career continuation bonuses

and leather rowing jackets to the beleaguered coxswain

in the hopes they would stay for next year's race.

Meanwhile,

the Army crew is still trying to figure out

why the oars

keep making divots in the grass while rowing.

Afghanistan and the ISAF
During my time here today,

I will talk about NATO

(North Atlantic Treaty Organization)

and EUCOM

(U.S. European Command),

our current operations and initiatives,

and some challenges that lie ahead.

Afghanistan continues to be the source

of much public debate.

The 47,000 men and women of the 40-nation

International Security Assistance Force

(ISAF)

are in Afghanistan conducting a mission

critical to our global security.

Yet many questions are raised in public forums

about this mission.

Is our involvement the correct response?

Is it effective?

Is it in our national interest?

Is NATO failing?

Or, as was said recently,

"Make no mistake, NATO is not winning."

These are just a few examples.

I will address these and other questions

as I highlight the importance of this mission

and our commitment to its success.
Just a few weeks ago,

The Heritage Foundation

published a Backgrounder calling

for help in the war in Afghanistan.

Perhaps most pertinently,

it called for a greater level of international

support for the ongoing effort,

an increase in burden-sharing by NATO nations,

a call on NATO leaders to educate their publics

about just what is at stake,

and increased cooperation with

Pakistan concerning the border area.

If it weren't for the somewhat negative

light in which NATO was cast,

people might think I've got you on the payroll.

NATO is not failing, I assure you.

We are succeeding, and we will continue to succeed,

but we in the international community

can and must do more.

As NATO's Military Commander of Operations,

my job is to execute, as capably and effectively as possible,

the missions given to me by the North Atlantic Council.

I am not a policymaker or

an influence broker.

Yet I would like to take a moment

to describe just what is at stake in Afghanistan.

What's at Stake?

First and foremost, our very own security,

here and in Europe,

as well as in Afghanistan itself.

Just as economies are increasingly interdependent

in our globalized world,

our external and internal

security is equally interwoven.

Afghanistan is a mission of necessity rather than of choice.

Less than a decade ago,

Afghanistan was a hotbed of terrorism.

Our mission is crucial to ensure

that the Islamic Republic of Afghanistan

is never again a place that terrorists--

transnational terrorists--call home.

Moreover, the ISAF mission has a defining

effect on the evolution of our relationship with Asia.

One need only look to the borders of Afghanistan

to recognize the complexity of the geopolitical situation.

Pakistan, Iran, China, and the Muslim republics

of the former Soviet Union

are all affected by the situation in Afghanistan.

Extremism, Catch-22 and terrorism must not continue

to threaten stability in the region or beyond.

With so much at stake,

unwavering NATO support in Afghanistan

remains essential.

Last month in Bucharest,

the heads of state and government

of the 26 NATO nations and its partners

reaffirmed their dedication,

citing a

"firm and shared long-term commitment"

toward helping the Afghan people.

NATO conducts military operations

to assist the government of Afghanistan

to establish and maintain a safe and secure environment

with the full engagement of the

Afghan National Security Forces.

Successful operations by the Afghan National Army

and ISAF have compelled the

opposing militant forces

(OMF)

to adopt terrorist tactics--indiscriminate attacks

designed to strike at the resolve of not only the Afghan people,

but also others committed to progress

in Afghanistan.

While this activity has affected

Afghan and international public opinion,

these tactics do not enable OMF expansion on the ground,

nor do they undermine our commitment.

Through a series of tactical victories,

ISAF has geographically constrained the OMF's ability

to conduct sustained activity.

Seventy percent of security incidents in 2007

occurred in only 10 percent

(approximately 40) of the 396 districts in Afghanistan.

These 40 districts are home

to only 6 percent of Afghanistan's population.

So far in 2008, 91 percent of insurgent activity has occurred in just 8 percent of districts.
NATO is supporting the U.S. effort to help

the Afghan government develop its forces

so that it can ultimately provide for its own security.

The Afghan National Army (ANA)

continues to grow in size and combat

capability and now exceeds the size of the ISAF.

Since this time last year,

the ANA has fielded

nine infantry battalions,

four commando battalions,

six support battalions,

three brigade headquarters,

and three aviation units.

It now plays a leadership role

in 25 percent of military

operations in Afghanistan.

In the most hotly contested regions,

the ANA participates in more

than 90 percent of all ISAF operations.

Today, 90 percent of the Afghan public

sees the ANA as an honest and fair institution.

Eighty-nine percent believe it has

helped to improve security.

Conversely, the Afghan National Police Force,

which has grown quickly in numbers,

continues to lag significantly behind

the ANA in professional ability.

Police performance must be urgently enhanced.

Recent pay and structural reforms

will help, but corruption, criminality, and a lack

of qualified leadership remain pressing issues.

Reconstruction and Development
Certainly, a military solution alone

will not secure and stabilize the country.

Security, governance, and reconstruction

and development activities must complement

and support each other.

We are finally starting to see progress

in the area of reconstruction and development.

To date, more than

7,500 civil–military cooperation projects

have been launched across Afghanistan;

75 percent are now complete.
The education of Afghanistan's children continues

to move forward in most regions.

Enrollment exceeds 6 million students,

including more females than ever before--41 percent,

according to the latest numbers, are females.

Child mortality rates have been reduced by 25 percent

since 2001, and 16 million vaccinations against

childhood diseases

have been administered in the last five years.
NATO is making a difference in Afghanistan.

However, we can and must do more.

I believe the level of ambition in NATO

has exceeded its political will.

NATO has not yet completely filled our

agreed statement of requirements

for forces needed in Afghanistan.

We are still short

key capabilities and enablers--enablers

such as intelligence,

surveillance

and reconnaissance,

communications,

and air support.

Each NATO nation has its own

internal issues that it must address,

but a completely resourced force sends a clear message

to our adversary and the Afghan people--

the message that

NATO is committed to achieving success.

Additionally, the more than 80 national caveats

restricting the use of NATO forces

limit the flexible employment of our formations.

Caveats, like shortfalls, increase the risk to every soldier,

sailor, airman, and marine deployed in theater.

NATO forces are exceptional,

but they need as much flexibility as possible

to be effective on this irregular warfare battlefield.

In addition to NATO members and partners,

the international community,

as a whole, must increase development efforts.

Through a comprehensive approach,

an approach that integrates the efforts of all parties--

military and civilian--we can and will achieve success.

NATO, the military, sets the security conditions

to allow for development efforts to become the norm,

not the exception, and to support

the investment needed to stimulate job

creation and, ultimately, real economic growth.

Everything we do must help

the government of Afghanistan

achieve its good governance mandate.

We need to work closely with that government

at all levels to reduce corruption and enable it

to convince its citizens

that governance can be a positive factor in their lives.

I remain firm in my conviction

that NATO's efforts in Afghanistan are making a difference.

We are succeeding;

we are making the lives of the vast majority of Afghans better;

and we are creating the conditions for a better future.

In Bucharest,

our heads of state and government

published a strategic vision to guide our engagement,

pledging to support each other in sharing the burden,

to provide our military commanders the tools

they need for success by filling

remaining ISAF shortfalls,

and to provide maximum possible flexibility of use of our forces.

As the commander of NATO operations,

I am encouraged by this stated commitment and look forward to seeing it fulfilled.

EUCOM

I'd like to shift gears and talk just a little bit about

U.S. European Command.

Of course, the two, NATO and EUCOM, are inextricably linked.

In light of the expansion and transformation

of NATO, EUCOM's engagement

with our allies is more important than ever.

To address

the dynamic and important area of responsibility

that is Europe and part of Africa,

EUCOM has developed a Strategy of Active Security

that identifies the capabilities needed to address threats

and requirements in the region, a strategy that emphasizes

conflict prevention.

Proactive security measures are significantly less costly than reactive contingency missions to the world's hotspots.

EUCOM has a responsibility to build military

capacity and capability to best position

our military forces, both American and those of our allies,

to combat current and evolving threats.

If we can agree that legitimacy plays

a major part in the success of military action

in our new security environment,

then some degree of multilateralism is essential.

To be effective multilaterally,

militaries need to be modernized,

interoperable, and they must train together.

To achieve this end, EUCOM embarks

upon a program of

Theater Security Cooperation.

We integrate and build

the capacity of our allies

through numerous cooperative assistance programs

including combined exercises,

International Military Education

and Training, and Foreign Military Financing.

Through International Military Education and Training,

EUCOM provides education and training opportunities

for foreign military and civilian personnel.

Today, we continue to see

the value of this program in the professional development

and transformation of militaries in such

established partners as Poland, Romania, Tunisia,

and numerous other nations.

Through Foreign Military Financing,

EUCOM helps countries meet their defense needs.

It strengthens alliances and coalitions

by building military capabilities, provides interoperability with U.S. and Allied forces, and enhances cooperation.

EUCOM organizes train-and-equip

programs with nearly all our

Baltic, Balkan, and Eurasian partners.

We have provided tactical human intelligence

collection and management training

to NATO allies--including Estonia, Latvia, and Lithuania--

for the past three years.

The United States recognizes the need

to have capable partners in addressing

current and future threats.

In the end, our forces must be multifunctional

and interoperable to address

the variety of threats in the 21st century.

The Future of NATO and EUCOM

What lies ahead for NATO and for EUCOM?

Speaking here in the United States, I get a rare opportunity to quote one of the great pundits of our time,

Yogi Berra:

"It's tough to make predictions, especially about the future."

First, transnational terrorism remains a serious threat

in the 21st century, and

the United States

does not stand alone in this assessment.

Our European allies share our concern

about the gravity of the threat

and agree that the potential acquisition

of weapons of mass destruction

by terrorists is especially worrisome

and deserves our full attention.

We further agree that the terrorist

threat is an enduring one, one that cannot

be quickly defeated.

However, our agreement ends with our differing views

of the appropriate strategic response to this threat.

Many European nations see terrorism

as an issue of public security to be addressed

primarily as a law enforcement matter.

American policy sees a more extensive role for its military

as part of a comprehensive solution,

utilizing the various instruments of power.
Complicating any response is the character

of this transnational terrorism.

Sovereign states are not the face of the threat;

rather, we are up against multiple terrorist groups

and complex terrorism networks.

This reality serves to seriously

limit the effectiveness of traditional

diplomatic and economic solutions.

Of course, these instruments of power

do still play key roles,

but this new paradigm calls for new solutions.

We must work with our allies to reach agreement

and consensus on a collective response, a comprehensive,

multilateral response.

In my judgment, any other method

will inevitably fall

short.

Second, an issue that promises to challenge

our nation and our alliance in the near future

is one of energy security.

I am concerned that the ability to use energy,

whether it be natural gas, oil, or another source,

as a political bargaining chip is increasingly

becoming a reality.

When a single nation or group of nations controls the reserves,

the production, and, most important,

the distribution means--

such as pipelines--

to their advantage,

the potential exists for particularly onerous acts,

coupled with a limited capability to respond.

We have already seen instances

where valves have been closed,

affecting not just a single nation,

but those further downstream as well.

As we continue to see a more narrowly

defined control of distribution means, the potential for a targeted shutdown increases.

When did Boone Pickens become part of the Military Complex?

We must find ways to adequately provide

security for sea lanes, offshore oil installations,

harbor facilities, and pipelines.

One facet of EUCOM's Strategy of

Active Security Bill Gates

assists nations in

securing energy supplies in transit.

You owe me 676 trillion

Moreover, diversity in types,

sources, and transportation routes are keys to security.

Even with an expanded, collective maritime presence,

the number of offshore installations,

harbors, and pipelines that can be protected is limited.

With such limitations, prevention becomes critical.

A lack of stability and security could lead to a reduction in availability and a restriction of transit routes.

The Report on Oil Profits is awaiting.
I believe energy security has to be a focal area

for the United States and NATO, as well as for the European Union.

Again, we need a proactive, comprehensive,

multilateral approach to address this evolving challenge.

Conclusion
In closing, as a good soldier,

I do not play partisan politics.

So I neither support nor oppose

the ideologies of The Heritage Foundation.

Yet I applaud your work,

as well of the work of your counterparts

all along the political spectrum.

Organizations such as yours are working

hard to make our nation stronger--

something we, no doubt, all have in common.

As I said, I remain apolitical, but I recently learned,

that the funding that started

The Heritage Foundation in 1973

was provided by Joseph Coors of the Coors Brewing Company.

So, it seems I may have indirectly and unknowingly

contributed to your organization,

in a very minor way, over the years.

Thank you for joining me here today,

and thank you for your commitment to

the United States of America.
General Bantz John Craddock, United States Army,

is the current Commander,

U.S. European Command, and

the Supreme Allied Commander, Europe.

posted by FIX  # 5:37 AM

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