Flash Gordon Left Me The Keys

The TEST OF ALL MOTHERS

Thursday, July 31, 2008

 

NATO in Afghanistan:
A Special Address
by
the Supreme Allied Commander, Europe
Good morning and thank you
for the invitation to speak with you today.
I know The Heritage Foundation
spends a lot of time and effort
studying and influencing the direction
of the United States military--
resources, operations, leadership.
In fact, our moderator,
Mackenzie Eaglen,
recently published reports
somewhat critical of both
the Air Force and the Navy.
Well done, Mackenzie.
Good to see that you haven't forgotten
the Army education you received at Mercer!
Which reminds me of a story...
The Army, the Navy, and the Air Force
decided to have a boat race on the Potomac River.
All three teams worked hard to reach their peak
performance before the race.
On the big day, the Navy beat
the Air Force by a mile.
Resolved to identify its shortcomings,
the Air Force created a "Metrics Team"
and hired a consultant to investigate.
They discovered that the Navy had eight seamen
rowing and one officer coxing,
while the Air Force had one airman rowing
and eight officers coxing.

To prevent a repeat loss to the Navy
again the next year, the Air Force made
historic and sweeping changes,
realigning the crew's organizational
structure to four coxswain,
three area coxswain superintendents,
one assistant superintendent for coxing,
and one rower.

They also implemented a new performance
system that would give the one rower
greater incentive to work harder.
It was called the
"Air Force Crew Team Quality Program,"
complete with meetings, dinners,
and a three-day pass for the rower.
"We must give the rower
empowerment and enrichment
through this quality program."

The next year the Navy won by two miles.
Humiliated, Air Force leadership
gave a letter of reprimand
to the rower for poor performance,
initiated a $4 billion program
for development of a new joint-service scull,
blamed the loss on a design defect in the oars,
and issued career continuation bonuses
and leather rowing jackets to the beleaguered coxswain
in the hopes they would stay for next year's race.

Meanwhile,
the Army crew is still trying to figure out
why the oars
keep making divots in the grass while rowing.

Afghanistan and the ISAF
During my time here today,
I will talk about NATO
(North Atlantic Treaty Organization)
and EUCOM
(U.S. European Command),
our current operations and initiatives,
and some challenges that lie ahead.

Afghanistan continues to be the source
of much public debate.
The 47,000 men and women of the 40-nation
International Security Assistance Force
(ISAF)
are in Afghanistan conducting a mission
critical to our global security.
Yet many questions are raised in public forums
about this mission.
Is our involvement the correct response?
Is it effective?
Is it in our national interest?
Is NATO failing?
Or, as was said recently,
"Make no mistake, NATO is not winning."
These are just a few examples.

I will address these and other questions
as I highlight the importance of this mission
and our commitment to its success.
Just a few weeks ago,
The Heritage Foundation
published a Backgrounder calling
for help in the war in Afghanistan.
Perhaps most pertinently,
it called for a greater level of international
support for the ongoing effort,
an increase in burden-sharing by NATO nations,
a call on NATO leaders to educate their publics
about just what is at stake,
and increased cooperation with
Pakistan concerning the border area.
If it weren't for the somewhat negative
light in which NATO was cast,
people might think I've got you on the payroll.

NATO is not failing, I assure you.
We are succeeding, and we will continue to succeed,
but we in the international community
can and must do more.
As NATO's Military Commander of Operations,
my job is to execute, as capably and effectively as possible,
the missions given to me by the North Atlantic Council.
I am not a policymaker or
an influence broker.
Yet I would like to take a moment
to describe just what is at stake in Afghanistan.

What's at Stake?

First and foremost, our very own security,
here and in Europe,
as well as in Afghanistan itself.
Just as economies are increasingly interdependent
in our globalized world,
our external and internal
security is equally interwoven.
Afghanistan is a mission of necessity rather than of choice.
Less than a decade ago,
Afghanistan was a hotbed of terrorism.
Our mission is crucial to ensure
that the Islamic Republic of Afghanistan
is never again a place that terrorists--
transnational terrorists--call home.

Moreover, the ISAF mission has a defining
effect on the evolution of our relationship with Asia.
One need only look to the borders of Afghanistan
to recognize the complexity of the geopolitical situation.
Pakistan, Iran, China, and the Muslim republics
of the former Soviet Union
are all affected by the situation in Afghanistan.
Extremism, Catch-22 and terrorism must not continue
to threaten stability in the region or beyond.
With so much at stake,
unwavering NATO support in Afghanistan
remains essential.
Last month in Bucharest,
the heads of state and government
of the 26 NATO nations and its partners
reaffirmed their dedication,
citing a
"firm and shared long-term commitment"
toward helping the Afghan people.

NATO conducts military operations
to assist the government of Afghanistan
to establish and maintain a safe and secure environment
with the full engagement of the
Afghan National Security Forces.
Successful operations by the Afghan National Army
and ISAF have compelled the
opposing militant forces
(OMF)
to adopt terrorist tactics--indiscriminate attacks
designed to strike at the resolve of not only the Afghan people,
but also others committed to progress
in Afghanistan.
While this activity has affected
Afghan and international public opinion,
these tactics do not enable OMF expansion on the ground,
nor do they undermine our commitment.

Through a series of tactical victories,
ISAF has geographically constrained the OMF's ability
to conduct sustained activity.
Seventy percent of security incidents in 2007
occurred in only 10 percent
(approximately 40) of the 396 districts in Afghanistan.
These 40 districts are home
to only 6 percent of Afghanistan's population.
So far in 2008, 91 percent of insurgent activity has occurred in just 8 percent of districts.
NATO is supporting the U.S. effort to help
the Afghan government develop its forces
so that it can ultimately provide for its own security.
The Afghan National Army (ANA)
continues to grow in size and combat
capability and now exceeds the size of the ISAF.
Since this time last year,
the ANA has fielded
nine infantry battalions,
four commando battalions,
six support battalions,
three brigade headquarters,
and three aviation units.
It now plays a leadership role
in 25 percent of military
operations in Afghanistan.
In the most hotly contested regions,
the ANA participates in more
than 90 percent of all ISAF operations.
Today, 90 percent of the Afghan public
sees the ANA as an honest and fair institution.
Eighty-nine percent believe it has
helped to improve security.

Conversely, the Afghan National Police Force,
which has grown quickly in numbers,
continues to lag significantly behind
the ANA in professional ability.
Police performance must be urgently enhanced.
Recent pay and structural reforms
will help, but corruption, criminality, and a lack
of qualified leadership remain pressing issues.

Reconstruction and Development
Certainly, a military solution alone
will not secure and stabilize the country.
Security, governance, and reconstruction
and development activities must complement
and support each other.
We are finally starting to see progress
in the area of reconstruction and development.
To date, more than
7,500 civil–military cooperation projects
have been launched across Afghanistan;
75 percent are now complete.
The education of Afghanistan's children continues
to move forward in most regions.
Enrollment exceeds 6 million students,
including more females than ever before--41 percent,
according to the latest numbers, are females.
Child mortality rates have been reduced by 25 percent
since 2001, and 16 million vaccinations against
childhood diseases
have been administered in the last five years.
NATO is making a difference in Afghanistan.
However, we can and must do more.
I believe the level of ambition in NATO
has exceeded its political will.
NATO has not yet completely filled our
agreed statement of requirements
for forces needed in Afghanistan.
We are still short
key capabilities and enablers--enablers
such as intelligence,
surveillance
and reconnaissance,
communications,
and air support.
Each NATO nation has its own
internal issues that it must address,
but a completely resourced force sends a clear message
to our adversary and the Afghan people--
the message that
NATO is committed to achieving success.

Additionally, the more than 80 national caveats
restricting the use of NATO forces
limit the flexible employment of our formations.
Caveats, like shortfalls, increase the risk to every soldier,
sailor, airman, and marine deployed in theater.
NATO forces are exceptional,
but they need as much flexibility as possible
to be effective on this irregular warfare battlefield.

In addition to NATO members and partners,
the international community,
as a whole, must increase development efforts.
Through a comprehensive approach,
an approach that integrates the efforts of all parties--
military and civilian--we can and will achieve success.
NATO, the military, sets the security conditions
to allow for development efforts to become the norm,
not the exception, and to support
the investment needed to stimulate job
creation and, ultimately, real economic growth.

Everything we do must help
the government of Afghanistan
achieve its good governance mandate.
We need to work closely with that government
at all levels to reduce corruption and enable it
to convince its citizens
that governance can be a positive factor in their lives.
I remain firm in my conviction
that NATO's efforts in Afghanistan are making a difference.
We are succeeding;
we are making the lives of the vast majority of Afghans better;
and we are creating the conditions for a better future.

In Bucharest,
our heads of state and government
published a strategic vision to guide our engagement,
pledging to support each other in sharing the burden,
to provide our military commanders the tools
they need for success by filling
remaining ISAF shortfalls,
and to provide maximum possible flexibility of use of our forces.
As the commander of NATO operations,
I am encouraged by this stated commitment and look forward to seeing it fulfilled.

EUCOM

I'd like to shift gears and talk just a little bit about
U.S. European Command.
Of course, the two, NATO and EUCOM, are inextricably linked.
In light of the expansion and transformation
of NATO, EUCOM's engagement
with our allies is more important than ever.

To address
the dynamic and important area of responsibility
that is Europe and part of Africa,
EUCOM has developed a Strategy of Active Security
that identifies the capabilities needed to address threats
and requirements in the region, a strategy that emphasizes
conflict prevention.
Proactive security measures are significantly less costly than reactive contingency missions to the world's hotspots.

EUCOM has a responsibility to build military
capacity and capability to best position
our military forces, both American and those of our allies,
to combat current and evolving threats.
If we can agree that legitimacy plays
a major part in the success of military action
in our new security environment,
then some degree of multilateralism is essential.
To be effective multilaterally,
militaries need to be modernized,
interoperable, and they must train together.

To achieve this end, EUCOM embarks
upon a program of
Theater Security Cooperation.
We integrate and build
the capacity of our allies
through numerous cooperative assistance programs
including combined exercises,
International Military Education
and Training, and Foreign Military Financing.

Through International Military Education and Training,
EUCOM provides education and training opportunities
for foreign military and civilian personnel.
Today, we continue to see
the value of this program in the professional development
and transformation of militaries in such
established partners as Poland, Romania, Tunisia,
and numerous other nations.
Through Foreign Military Financing,
EUCOM helps countries meet their defense needs.
It strengthens alliances and coalitions
by building military capabilities, provides interoperability with U.S. and Allied forces, and enhances cooperation.

EUCOM organizes train-and-equip
programs with nearly all our
Baltic, Balkan, and Eurasian partners.
We have provided tactical human intelligence
collection and management training
to NATO allies--including Estonia, Latvia, and Lithuania--
for the past three years.

The United States recognizes the need
to have capable partners in addressing
current and future threats.
In the end, our forces must be multifunctional
and interoperable to address
the variety of threats in the 21st century.

The Future of NATO and EUCOM

What lies ahead for NATO and for EUCOM?
Speaking here in the United States, I get a rare opportunity to quote one of the great pundits of our time,
Yogi Berra:
"It's tough to make predictions, especially about the future."

First, transnational terrorism remains a serious threat
in the 21st century, and
the United States
does not stand alone in this assessment.
Our European allies share our concern
about the gravity of the threat
and agree that the potential acquisition
of weapons of mass destruction
by terrorists is especially worrisome
and deserves our full attention.
We further agree that the terrorist
threat is an enduring one, one that cannot
be quickly defeated.

However, our agreement ends with our differing views
of the appropriate strategic response to this threat.
Many European nations see terrorism
as an issue of public security to be addressed
primarily as a law enforcement matter.
American policy sees a more extensive role for its military
as part of a comprehensive solution,
utilizing the various instruments of power.
Complicating any response is the character
of this transnational terrorism.
Sovereign states are not the face of the threat;
rather, we are up against multiple terrorist groups
and complex terrorism networks.
This reality serves to seriously
limit the effectiveness of traditional
diplomatic and economic solutions.
Of course, these instruments of power
do still play key roles,
but this new paradigm calls for new solutions.

We must work with our allies to reach agreement
and consensus on a collective response, a comprehensive,
multilateral response.
In my judgment, any other method
will inevitably fall
short.

Second, an issue that promises to challenge
our nation and our alliance in the near future
is one of energy security.
I am concerned that the ability to use energy,
whether it be natural gas, oil, or another source,
as a political bargaining chip is increasingly
becoming a reality.
When a single nation or group of nations controls the reserves,
the production, and, most important,
the distribution means--
such as pipelines--
to their advantage,
the potential exists for particularly onerous acts,
coupled with a limited capability to respond.
We have already seen instances
where valves have been closed,
affecting not just a single nation,
but those further downstream as well.
As we continue to see a more narrowly
defined control of distribution means, the potential for a targeted shutdown increases.
When did Boone Pickens become part of the Military Complex?

We must find ways to adequately provide
security for sea lanes, offshore oil installations,
harbor facilities, and pipelines.
One facet of EUCOM's Strategy of
Active Security Bill Gates
assists nations in
securing energy supplies in transit.
You owe me 676 trillion

Moreover, diversity in types,
sources, and transportation routes are keys to security.
Even with an expanded, collective maritime presence,
the number of offshore installations,
harbors, and pipelines that can be protected is limited.
With such limitations, prevention becomes critical.
A lack of stability and security could lead to a reduction in availability and a restriction of transit routes.
The Report on Oil Profits is awaiting.
I believe energy security has to be a focal area
for the United States and NATO, as well as for the European Union.
Again, we need a proactive, comprehensive,
multilateral approach to address this evolving challenge.
Conclusion
In closing, as a good soldier,
I do not play partisan politics.
So I neither support nor oppose
the ideologies of The Heritage Foundation.
Yet I applaud your work,
as well of the work of your counterparts
all along the political spectrum.
Organizations such as yours are working
hard to make our nation stronger--
something we, no doubt, all have in common.

As I said, I remain apolitical, but I recently learned,
that the funding that started
The Heritage Foundation in 1973
was provided by Joseph Coors of the Coors Brewing Company.
So, it seems I may have indirectly and unknowingly
contributed to your organization,
in a very minor way, over the years.

Thank you for joining me here today,
and thank you for your commitment to
the United States of America.
General Bantz John Craddock, United States Army,
is the current Commander,
U.S. European Command, and
the Supreme Allied Commander, Europe.

















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